In Russia, specifically in Tuva, an order named after Subedei. The historical irony is that this commander is not associated with “defending the homeland,” but with the Mongol campaign, during which Moscow was taken, looted, and burned.
In preparing this material, open data and materials from open sources were used; the editorial team does not claim to be academic researchers, but the recorded historical facts do not cease to be facts because of this
Order of Subedei: a new pinnacle of Russian historical logic
In Tuva, one of the subjects of the Russian Federation, it was decided to establish a state award named after Subedei — the famous Mongol commander of the 13th century, a close associate of Genghis Khan, and one of the main military strategists of the Mongol Empire.
Formally, it is a regional award.
But the political context here is so loud that it is already difficult to perceive this story as an ordinary “tribute to an outstanding compatriot.”
According to Russian media reports from May 19, 2026, the Order of Subedei is planned to be awarded for “exceptional merits in defending the Fatherland,” courage, bravery, protection of Russia’s territorial integrity and interests, as well as contributions to security. A representative of the republican authorities directly linked the appearance of the award to the war against Ukraine, which in Russia continues to be called “SVO.”
“The Supreme Khural of the Republic of Tuva, by its decision, amended the regional law on state awards. The session of the republican parliament took place on May 19.”
“This order will become the second most significant award in the region after the Order of the Republic of Tuva.”
“You all perfectly understand why this is being done. Now there is an SVO, and many guys are honorably fulfilling their military duty. Sometimes they are awarded state awards, sometimes their merits are underestimated… There is a need to recognize their merits at home,” explained the plenipotentiary representative of the head of the republic in parliament, Eker-ool Manchyn.
And here begins the very moment when Russian political symbolism trips itself up.
Subedei is not a symbol of the defense of “Russia.” He is a commander associated with the Mongol western campaigns, during which the principalities on the lands of modern Russia, as well as Kievan Rus, were defeated. In this same campaign in January 1238, Moscow was taken, looted, and burned.
That is, the state, which for decades has been building a cult of “historical memory,” “bonds,” and “defense of the Fatherland,” suddenly introduces a military award in honor of a commander whose name is associated with a campaign after which Moscow lay in ashes.
If this were satire, it would be called too crude. But these are just news from modern Russia.
Who is Subedei and why does his name sound strange in the Russian award system
Subedei, or Subutai-bagatur, was born, according to the widespread version, around 1175–1176. His origin is associated with the Mongolian environment, and in the Tuvan tradition — with territories that today belong to Tuva.
The Republic of Tuva (Tuva) is a national republic within the Russian Federation, located in the very geographical center of Asia, in southern Siberia. The capital of the region is the city of Kyzyl.
He was not a khan and did not belong to the highest line of the Chinggisids, but became one of the most successful military commanders of the Mongol Empire. Under Genghis Khan, Ogedei, and Batu, he participated in distant campaigns over vast areas — from Central Asia and the Caucasus to Eastern Europe.
Subedei is often described as the military architect of major operations. He knew how to conduct reconnaissance, divide troops into several columns, use false retreats, strike in winter, and coordinate armies over long distances.
That is, from a military point of view, the figure is indeed large-scale.
The problem is different: for the history of the principalities on the lands of modern Russia and Kievan Rus, his name is primarily associated with the catastrophe of the 13th century. Not with “defense.” Not with “liberation.” Not with “restoration of historical justice.” But with conquest, defeat, fires, captivity, and destroyed cities.
And now it is with this name that people in Russia are going to be awarded for “defending the Fatherland.”
Political fantasy, as it turned out, can not only rewrite history. It can take history, turn it upside down, nail an order ribbon to it, and declare it patriotism.
Kalka: who opposed Subedei’s troops
In 1223, the troops of Subedei and Jebe defeated the coalition of the princes of Kiev, Chernigov, Galicia-Volhynia, Smolensk, and other principalities, who acted together with the Polovtsians, at Kalka.
Among the participants of the campaign are mentioned the Kiev prince Mstislav Romanovich the Old, the Chernigov prince Mstislav Svyatoslavich, the prince Mstislav the Daring, associated with Galicia, as well as the Polovtsian khan Kotyan.
This was not yet a complete conquest. But it was already the first major clash, after which it became clear: a force had come to the west that the previous political system of the principalities could not cope with.
After Kalka, the Mongols left. But a few years later they returned with a larger campaign.
In 1236, the Volga Bulgars were defeated.
At the end of 1237, the invasion of the principalities on the lands of modern Russia began. First, Ryazan — the center of the Ryazan principality — was devastated. Then followed the battle at Kolomna. After this, the Mongol troops moved towards Moscow, which was then a city of the Vladimir-Suzdal principality, not the main political center of the region.
This moment is especially important for understanding the absurdity of the new Russian award.
Moscow was not yet the capital then – as the Ukrainian representative at the UN said – there “frogs croaked in the swamp.” It was not the center of the empire. It was not that mythological “heart of Russia” that modern officials like to talk about. But it was already a city on the lands of modern Russia — and in January 1238, this city was taken and burned during a campaign associated with the name of Subedei.
Moscow: the city was taken and burned
The details of the capture of Moscow in January 1238 are as follows: it was not a separate major campaign specifically against Moscow, but an episode of the Mongol advance on Vladimir-Suzdal land after the defeat of Ryazan and Kolomna.
Moscow was not the capital then
It is important to clarify immediately: Moscow in 1238 was not the “center of Russia” in the current sense. It was a relatively young fortified city of the Vladimir-Suzdal principality. The main political center of northeastern Rus was Vladimir, not Moscow.
But that is why, in the modern context, this story sounds ironic: the troops, with whose campaign Subedei is associated, also burned Moscow.
What happened before the capture of Moscow
At the end of 1237, the troops of Batu Khan began an advance on the northeastern Russian principalities. First, Ryazan was devastated. After this, the Mongols moved further to Kolomna.
Near Kolomna in January 1238, a major battle took place. The troops of the Vladimir-Suzdal principality and the remnants of the Ryazan forces were defeated. After this, the path to Moscow was open. According to one version, the survivors after Kolomna, led by Prince Vladimir Yuryevich, the son of Grand Prince Yuri Vsevolodovich, retreated to Moscow.
Siege of Moscow
The Mongols approached Moscow around mid-January 1238. Sources usually indicate that the siege lasted about five days, and the city was taken on January 20, 1238.
The defense of Moscow is associated with Prince Vladimir Yuryevich and the voivode Philip Nyanka. In the chronicle tradition, it is said that after the capture of the city, the voivode was killed, and Prince Vladimir Yuryevich was captured. One translation of the chronicle story conveys it as follows: the Tatars took Moscow, killed the voivode Philip Nyanka, captured Vladimir Yuryevich, killed many residents, took some into captivity, and left with great booty.
What they did to the city
After the assault, Moscow was looted and burned. In the retellings of the chronicles, the almost complete destruction of the city and the death of residents “from old to infants” is emphasized. It must be understood that this is the language of the chronicles, but the meaning is clear: it was not about a peaceful surrender, but about a harsh devastation.
After Moscow, the Mongol army moved further — to Vladimir. Already at the beginning of February 1238, it was at the walls of the main city of the principality.
The fate of Prince Vladimir Yuryevich
The captured Moscow prince Vladimir Yuryevich was then brought to the walls of Vladimir. In the Russian historical tradition, it is said that the Mongols killed him in front of the defenders of the city when Vladimir refused to surrender. This was supposed to have a psychological effect on the besieged.
That is, Moscow was not the final goal, but an intermediate point on the way to Vladimir. But its capture became part of the overall catastrophe of Northeastern Rus in 1237–1238.
The role of Subedei
Here it is important to formulate carefully. It cannot be confidently written that Subedei personally stood at the walls of Moscow and commanded the assault. The campaign was under the supreme leadership of Batu Khan, and Subedei is considered one of the key strategists of the Mongol western campaign of 1236–1242.
NANovosti — Israel News | Nikk.Agency draws attention to this layer of history: the Russian authorities constantly demand that others “respect history,” but they themselves treat it like a box of props. Today, they took Subedei out of this box — and for some reason decided that this is a successful symbol for a military award.
Ryazan, Vladimir, Chernigov, Kiev: which lands suffered in the campaign
After Moscow, the Mongol troops went further.
In February 1238, Vladimir — the main center of the Vladimir-Suzdal principality — was taken. Then followed the battle on the Sit River, where the army of Grand Prince Yuri Vsevolodovich was defeated.
In 1239, the Mongol troops went to Kievan Rus. Chernigov — one of the most important centers of the Chernigov principality — was taken.
In December 1240, Kiev — one of the main cities of Kievan Rus and the most important symbolic center of East Slavic history — was taken.
After the fall of Kiev, the Mongol troops did not stop. They moved further west through the lands of the Galicia-Volhynia principality. Cities and fortified centers on the way to Central Europe, including Vladimir-Volynsky and Galicia, were hit.
Further, the Mongol army split into several directions. One part went to Polish lands: Sandomierz, Krakow, and other cities were attacked, and in April 1241, the Mongols defeated the Polish-German forces in the Battle of Legnica.
The main blow of the other part of the army fell on Hungary. The Mongols passed through the Carpathians, invaded the Kingdom of Hungary, and on April 11, 1241, defeated the army of King Bela IV in the Battle of Mohi. After this, a significant part of Hungary was devastated.
After the campaign on Kievan Rus and Europe, Subedei no longer remained the main actor in new western conquests.
In 1241, the great khan Ogedei died. Because of this, the Mongol elite began to return east: it was necessary to resolve the issue of new power. In 1242, the troops of Batu and Subedei left Hungary and Central Europe back to the steppes.
Batu consolidated in the western possessions of the Mongol Empire, where the Golden Horde later formed. Subedei, according to the widespread version, returned east, no longer led such large-scale campaigns, and spent his last years as an old, authoritative commander.
He died around 1248. The exact place of death and burial is unknown.
Therefore, the Order of Subedei in modern Russia does not look like a harmless regional tribute to historical memory. It is the choice of a figure whose military biography is associated with the defeat of principalities on the lands of modern Russia and the fall of Kiev.
This sounds especially cynical against the backdrop of the war against Ukraine.
Russia attacks Ukrainian cities, destroys infrastructure, wipes settlements off the face of the earth, wages war against Kiev — and at the same time, one of its regions establishes an award in honor of a commander associated with a campaign in which Moscow was burned.
If there were a department in Russia for checking historical symbolism for common sense, it should have stopped at the name. But, apparently, such departments have long been replaced by a generator of solemn speeches.
Russian political stupidity has once again defeated history
In this story, not only the figure of Subedei is important. More important is how modern Russian authorities choose symbols.
They take a conqueror — and make him a model of “defense.” They take a name associated with the defeat of principalities on the lands of modern Russia — and turn it into a sign of service to Russia. They take the memory of a burned Moscow — and pack it into a new award system.
This is no longer just historical confusion.
This is a style of thinking.
In the Russian political culture of recent years, the past has ceased to be history. It has become a warehouse of convenient images. Need “anti-fascism” — they take out World War II. Need an empire — they take out the tsars. Need strength — they take out the Horde. Need an award for the current war — they take out Subedei.
And the fact that this Subedei is associated with a campaign during which Moscow was burned does not seem to bother anyone.
On the contrary, there is almost a perfect metaphor for modern Russia: to fight under the slogan of defense, to destroy under the slogan of salvation, and then to award for this with the name of a commander whose historical shadow stands not over defense, but over conquest.
Why this is important for Israel and historical memory
For the Israeli audience, this story is important not only as another oddity of Russian domestic politics.
In Israel, it is well understood that memory is not decoration. The names of awards, streets, military units, and state ceremonies always show whom the state considers an example. If the state chooses the image of a conqueror for a military award, it means it says more about itself than it would like.
In the case of the Order of Subedei, it is not about a complex academic discussion. It is about a political signal.
Russia, which declares “defense of the Fatherland,” chooses the symbolism of imperial conquest. Russia, which speaks of the “Russian world,” honors a figure associated with the destruction of principalities on the lands of modern Russia and Kievan Rus. Russia, which wages war against Ukraine, introduces an award in honor of a commander whose historical shadow passes through the Ryazan, Vladimir-Suzdal, and Chernigov principalities, through Kiev and through Moscow itself.
That is why the phrase “completely lost its mind” here sounds not as an emotion, but as a political diagnosis.
Because in this story, the Russian authorities did not just make a mistake with the historical example. They chose such an example that exposes their own logic better than any critic.
What can be written without a historical mistake
For accuracy, it is important to separate two statements.
First: Subedei was one of the main Mongol strategists of the western campaign, during which the principalities on the lands of modern Russia and Kievan Rus were conquered and devastated. This is correct.
Second: Subedei personally took Moscow. This is not proven by reliable sources.
Therefore, a strong and careful formula is:
Subedei is not proven as the personal commander of the storming of Moscow, but his name is associated with the Mongol western campaign, during which Moscow in January 1238 was taken, looted, and burned. And now in Russian Tuva, people are going to be awarded with an order in his name for participating in the war against Ukraine.
This is not just a historical paradox.
This is a mirror of modern Russia, where war, imperial mythology, the destruction of foreign cities, and a complete misunderstanding of one’s own history once again turn into state valor.