The US and Iran are reportedly discussing a two-step ceasefire plan: first a temporary truce, then — within 15–20 days — an attempt to reach a broader agreement. Amid the exhausting regional crisis, the very idea of a diplomatic pause seems tempting. However, behind the cautiously optimistic signals, a familiar Middle Eastern problem is already emerging: the parties may agree on the form but not address the content. And it is the content in this case that will determine whether the respite becomes a step towards de-escalation or just a short stop before a new outbreak of conflict.
For Israel, the question is extremely specific. If Tehran retains the ability to pressure maritime routes, keep the oil market tense, and does not abandon its missile-nuclear levers, any diplomatic success will remain just a facade.
There are negotiations, but no trust
The very fact of contacts between the American and Iranian sides is already being presented as a potential turning point. According to available reports, US Vice President JD Vance, special envoy Steve Witkoff, and Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi participated in the communication, while Pakistani Field Marshal Asim Munir allegedly helped maintain the communication channel overnight. This structure looks like urgent diplomacy assembled in crisis management mode.
But this is where the main problem begins.
When negotiations are built around an urgent ceasefire, there is a temptation to set aside the most difficult issues. First — silence, then — details. On paper, this sounds reasonable. In practice, the Middle East has repeatedly seen how temporary schemes turned into prolonged pauses, during which one of the parties regrouped, retained key pressure tools, and returned to escalation under more favorable conditions for itself.
Why Hormuz is more important than beautiful statements
The most alarming signal is related to the Strait of Hormuz. Iran, as reported, is not ready to open it even within the framework of a temporary truce. This means that talks about peace can proceed in parallel with the continuation of economic strangulation of the region and global markets.
This is where the beautiful diplomatic picture collapses.
If the strait remains a lever of blackmail, then no full-fledged reduction in tension occurs. In this case, the world receives not a resolution, but a postponement under the threat of a new breakdown. For the Gulf countries, this is a matter of export security, for the West — a matter of prices, logistics, and energy sustainability, and for Israel — another sign that Tehran is not going to abandon its strategy of pressure through systemic instability.
UAE Presidential Advisor Anwar Gargash has already warned that an agreement without guarantees of free passage through Hormuz and without curbing Iran’s nuclear and missile program will open the way to an even more dangerous Middle East. This assessment does not look like an exaggeration, but an accurate diagnosis of the entire situation.
Missile potential remains a factor of war
While diplomats discuss a possible truce scheme, Iran, according to available data, continues to strike petrochemical facilities in Kuwait, Bahrain, and the UAE. That is, in parallel with negotiations, the language of force is preserved. This is especially important against the backdrop of previous loud statements that Tehran’s key capabilities have allegedly already been undermined or destroyed.
Judging by what is happening, it was premature to draw such conclusions.
If the regime is capable of simultaneously negotiating, maintaining pressure on the infrastructure of neighbors, and leaving itself the opportunity for further escalation, then we are not witnessing the dismantling of the threat, but an attempt to translate it into a more convenient political format. For Israel, this is a bad scenario because it creates the illusion of stabilization where the entire framework of a future crisis actually remains.
In the Israeli agenda, this is read especially acutely. Jerusalem cannot afford the luxury of evaluating such deals by headlines or the first statements of intermediaries. The question is always one: what exactly remains with Iran after signing a possible document? If the regime retains missiles, proxy structures, the ability to shake maritime routes, and space for further nuclear maneuvering, then it is not about peace, but about a poorly frozen threat.
That is why НАновости — Новости Израиля | Nikk.Agency in the context of the current crisis inevitably looks not at diplomatic noise, but at practical results. For Israeli society today, it is important not how many intermediaries participated in the negotiations and how many hours the night contacts lasted, but whether the region will become truly safer after a possible deal.
What Israel will see in such a deal
Israel is likely to evaluate any agreement through four strict criteria: Hormuz, missiles, the nuclear program, and Iran’s ability to continue pressure through allied forces in the region. If at least part of these issues remains unresolved, Jerusalem will consider such a deal incomplete and potentially dangerous.
This is logical.
Israeli security is built not on diplomatic formulations, but on the real reduction of threats. In conditions where Iran has already shown a willingness to play on several boards simultaneously — military, energy, political, and psychological — a weak agreement can give Tehran exactly what it needs: time, space for maneuver, and the opportunity to sell its own tactical pause as a strategic victory.
The main risk is not the breakdown of the deal, but a bad deal
Diplomacy between the US and Iran itself is not bad news.
Moreover, in a situation of high regional turbulence, any chance to reduce the intensity of the conflict seems preferable to open war. But the problem is that a quick compromise in the Middle East often turns out to be more expensive than a prolonged dispute if it does not resolve basic security issues.
The main risk now is that the world will be shown a temporary truce as a major peace breakthrough. The headlines will be encouraging, the markets will briefly exhale, and the intermediaries will report progress. And then it will turn out that Iran is still capable of keeping Hormuz tense, influencing oil routes, hitting regional infrastructure, and bargaining over its missile and nuclear agenda almost from the same positions as before.
In such a case, the war will not end.
It will simply change its pace, form, and diplomatic packaging. And this is what should worry Israel the most today: not the prospect of the deal itself, but the prospect of a weak, hasty, and convenient deal for a regime that has been using negotiations not only as a path to compromise but also as a tool for gaining time for many years.