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On March 27, 2026, the head of the Ukrainian CPD (Center for Countering Disinformation) Andriy Kovalenko posted a video about “Hezbollah’s FPV drone attack on an Israeli army tank in Lebanon.” He also noted there is information that Iranian proxies may receive assistance from Russians, including instructors associated with the former Wagner PMC.

For the Israeli audience, the episode itself is not the only important thing here. Much more important is something else: the pattern of such an attack is too reminiscent of the very drone logic that Russia has been testing against Ukraine for years. FPV strikes on armored vehicles, targeted hunting for a vulnerable target, reliance on cheap, mass, and rapid means of destruction — this type of warfare has already been described by Reuters as one of the main features of the current front in Ukraine, where small FPV drones literally dominate the battlefield.

That is why the version that such methods could have reached Lebanon through the Iranian network does not look like journalistic exaggeration, but rather a sober assumption. This is not yet equivalent to a fully proven fact about specific Russian instructors at a specific site. But the handwriting is indeed too recognizable.

What exactly did Kovalenko write and where does fact end and assessment begin

To avoid drifting into fantasy, it is important to stick to the original formulations here. In the retelling of Ukrainian media, the meaning of Kovalenko’s post sounded like this: “Hezbollah used an FPV drone against an Israeli army tank in Lebanon.” He further added: “There is information that proxies may receive assistance from Russians, including instructors from the Wagner PMC.” Another of his phrases: “Hezbollah in Lebanon acts in the interests of Iran, which is supported by Russia.” And the final conclusion was formulated very directly: “More active use of FPV by Iranian proxies proves the deepened involvement of Russia, which may provide instructors and mercenaries for such activities.”

Here, the modality is crucial. Not “proven conclusively,” not “established by investigation,” but “there is information,” “may receive assistance,” “may provide.” For a serious article, this is not a minor reservation, but a central part of the facts. It is important for the Israeli reader to understand: the confirmed fact is the statement of the Ukrainian side itself and its interpretation of what is happening. And the likely role of Russians in training or accompanying such attacks remains an assessment for now, albeit a very alarming one.

At the same time, the operational environment in Lebanon has long ceased to be “old.” Reuters wrote on March 27 that the current war between Israel and Hezbollah reached a new scale after March 2, when the group opened a front against Israel in support of Iran. By the end of the month, according to the agency, the number of killed militants was in the hundreds, and the Israeli campaign was accompanied by strikes on southern Lebanon and plans to create a new security zone up to the Litani. In such a war, the technological adaptation of the enemy is not an exception, but almost a rule.

What is CPD and why its signal should not be dismissed

CPD is the Center for Countering Disinformation under the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine. On the official website – https://cpd.gov.ua/ (the site domain is governmental) the center is directly stated to be a working body under the NSDC, engaged in countering disinformation and information threats. So, we are not talking about a blogger, not a random Telegram channel, and not a frontline anonymous. This is a state structure within the contour of Ukrainian national security.

This does not make any statement by the CPD automatically equal to court evidence or a frontline combat report. But dismissing such publications as “just opinions” would be careless. When the head of this structure publicly links the activation of FPV among Iranian proxies with possible assistance from Russia, it means that in Kyiv, such a risk is already considered serious enough to bring it into the open. And for Israel, this is important not out of courtesy to Kyiv, but because such threats usually first appear as a hypothesis and then become the new norm of war.

Why in this attack the handwriting of the Russian war against Ukraine is too visible

The most unpleasant part of this story is that it really looks familiar. Not by slogans. Not by geopolitical templates. By the very mechanics of the battle. Reuters described in detail in February that after four years of war, it was small drones, especially FPV, that radically changed the front in Ukraine: they made the advancement of equipment more dangerous, complicated maneuvering, turned armor into an object of constant hunting, and generally shifted the logic of battle towards cheap and continuous attrition.

That’s why the thesis about the Russian trace in Lebanon does not sound like a stretched journalism. By the very pattern of this attack, a very familiar handwriting of the Russian war in Ukraine is visible: FPV drone, hunting for armored vehicles, cheap and precise strike on a vulnerable target. This is exactly how Russian military and related structures have been fighting against Ukraine for a long time. Therefore, the suspicion that through Iran and its proxies such methods could have reached Lebanon seems quite logical. And if this is indeed the case, then it is not just about political support for Tehran from Moscow, but about the transfer of real combat experience gained in the war against Ukraine.

And here the problem for Israel is not in one isolated strike. The problem is deeper. If Hezbollah receives not only missiles, not only Iranian drones, and not only general operational cover, but also elements of the Russian FPV school, then the northern front changes qualitatively. It becomes closer to the war of attrition that the world has already seen on the Ukrainian front.

Why this concerns Israel no less than Ukraine

Israel could long consider that the Russian-Ukrainian war and the war against the Iranian axis are two separate folders of global security. In 2026, such a scheme looks less and less convincing. Iran helps Moscow. Moscow supports Tehran. Hezbollah opens a front in solidarity with Iran. And now, against this background, there is also a possible transfer of Russian drone logic to Lebanon. These are no longer parallel plots, but a single chain.

NANews — News of Israel | Nikk.Agency is important in such a topic precisely because it allows not to slide into either hysteria or lazy skepticism. There is no need to declare proven what remains a probable connection. But ignoring such a signal would be a dangerous luxury. If the Israeli army begins to face the type of drone warfare that Russia and Ukraine have already brought to extreme intensity, then the northern front will have to be treated differently — as a theater where not only Iranian weapons but also Russian military experience flows.

What remains in the dry residue

As of today, the picture looks like this. On March 27, 2026, the head of the CPD Andriy Kovalenko indeed reported on Hezbollah’s FPV drone attack on an Israeli army tank in Lebanon and wrote that Iranian proxies may receive assistance from Russians, including instructors associated with the former Wagner PMC. CPD is an official body under the NSDC of Ukraine, not an external commentator. At the same time, Reuters confirms two important parts of the overall background: the current war between Israel and Hezbollah in Lebanon has already entered a broad and heavy phase, and FPV drones have become one of the most characteristic tools of the Russian-Ukrainian war.

This is already enough to take the topic seriously. Not as a proven verdict, but as a very unpleasant warning. Because if a distinctly Russian military handwriting is indeed beginning to manifest in Lebanon, it means that not only the Iranian proxy network but also the drone school that grew out of the war against Ukraine may be working against Israel. And this is no longer a local detail. This is a new configuration of the threat.

Российский след в Ливане: почему информация ЦПД об атаке FPV-дрона «Хезболлы» на израильский танк выглядит слишком знакомо